Advert

Breaking

Friday, 11 November 2016

Of Buhari’s Anti-Graft War And His Party Of Saints




As the All Progressives Congress-led Federal Government fights corruption, it continues to appear that all someone facing corruption charges has to do is join the party, if he is in the opposition, GBENRO ADEOYE writes

President Muhammadu Buhari never made a secret of his wish to fight corruption right from the electioneering period in the run-up to the 2015 presidential election. But he did not give the impression at the time that the fight would largely be waged against members of the opposition parties, especially the Peoples Democratic Party.

Since Buhari’s inauguration as President, he has launched an anti-graft campaign that has remarkably reawakened the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, the Code of Conduct Bureau and the Department of State Services.

Under the Buhari-led administration, many allegations have been made by the government and its agencies, but the efforts have been seen to be most active in the media.

However, it has to be said that some arrests have been made, with that of the former National Security Adviser to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, Col. Sambo Dasuki (retd.), standing above the rest.

Dasuki had allegedly misappropriated $2.1bn meant for the purchase of military arms and diverted the funds to other purposes they were not earmarked for.

In the period that President Buhari started his anti-corruption campaign, some notable politicians, lawyers, and businessmen have also been questioned by anti-graft agencies over corruption allegations. But largely, government’s sincerity in the fight has been put under the public microscope and some analysts believe it has failed some critical tests.

Some analysts have said that the Buhari-led government has made it appear that the APC is an assembly of saints and that a politician who defects to the party will become a new being and have his past sins forgiven.

A strong argument by some of the critics of the government’s anti-corruption fight has been that, all along, it has been a one-sided war, which has been more about personal vendetta and clampdown on the opposition and former President Goodluck Jonathan’s allies than a genuine effort to combat bribery, fraud, graft, indiscipline and so on.

One of such critical voices belonged to a foreigner, a United States activist and international human rights consultant, Jeffrey Smith, who said in June that President Buhari’s anti-corruption war, had made it appear like members of his party, the All Progressives Congress, are clean.

Smith noted that such anti-corruption fight could spell trouble for Nigeria’s political stability.

“Of principal concern here is that the Buhari government’s anti-corruption campaign has been almost entirely one-sided, seeming to focus overwhelmingly on his predecessor’s allies, namely members of the Peoples Democratic Party,” he had said.

“An overview of the actions thus far taken by the EFCC, the law enforcement agency tasked with investigating financial crime in Nigeria, bears this out. Since January of this year, the EFCC has either arraigned or arrested 124 individuals, including prominent government officials who have been implicated in a range of financial crimes.

“Of these documented cases, only four per cent involve individuals affiliated with Buhari’s APC. What’s more, this discrepancy seems to only be getting worse. Taking stock of the past two months, only one of 34 known EFCC cases has involved a member of the APC: AbdurRahman Abba Jimeta, the chief of staff to one of Nigeria’s state governors.

“It is foolish to suggest that corruption and related financial malfeasance are relegated to a single political party or group of individuals in Nigeria. That the country routinely ranks in the top 10 in the world in terms of cumulative illicit financial outflow signals a more pervasive problem.

“What is more, the one-sided affair currently being conducted by the Buhari government may ultimately plant the seeds for both social and political conflict,” Smith had explained.

In the same vein, a lawyer and political analyst, Tunde Esan, described the current anti-corruption fight of the APC-led government as a ruse, adding that it had always been about power and not about “fighting corruption and recovering money.”

“In Nigeria, we are into politics for politics’ sake and not for the purpose of development.

“Politicians recognise that, so what they do is to figure out which party is in power, knowing that if they join that party, all their sins will be forgiven,” he said.

For instance, the recent arrest of some judges by the DSS following allegations of corruption has also presented a fresh litmus test for Buhari’s anti-corruption war. The judges were accused of selling judgments to bidders, but two of them were quick to make their own allegations in separate letters to the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mahmud Mohammed, in which they indicted the Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi; Minister of Science and Technology, Ogbonnaya Onu; and a former Akwa Ibom State governorship candidate (now Managing Director, Oil and Gas Free Zone Authority), Umana Okon Umana.

The trio was accused of attempting to sway court decisions in favour of the APC in Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Ebonyi, Abia and Ekiti states.

Strangely, even though, the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption has called on the National Judicial Council to suspend judges facing allegations of corruption, it has yet to take a similar stand on the three APC chieftains, who all occupy positions in government.

A lawyer and political analyst, Mr. Liborous Oshoma, said it would be unfair to call for the suspension of the affected judges and ignore their allegations against the APC chieftains.

“While investigating the judges, we cannot close our eyes to the allegations made by the judges,” he said.

“If the Presidency can ask the judges to be suspended, is it not also proper for the ministers accused of attempting to bribe judges to also step aside pending a holistic investigation into all the matters involving the judiciary and the executive?

“Amaechi’s name was mentioned by two judges, while Onu’s name was mentioned by one of them. At this stage, let the law take its course and let the respective agencies do a thorough job by looking into the matter and investigating everybody whose name has been mentioned as involved in corruption.”

Oshoma, who dismissed arguments from some quarters that the allegations made by the judges were belated, said, “There is no statute of limitation to criminality.”

“We know how desperate the APC was to win the governorship elections in the South-South states, even the APC Chairman (Chief John Odigie-Oyegun) said Delta, Rivers and Bayelsa states were oil rich states that the party needed to win,” he added.

Also, according to analysts, the APC-led government has established a disturbing trend that is moving towards crucifying opposition members for corruption allegations and giving its party members the kid-glove treatment for similar transgressions.

For instance, analysts argue that shortly after a former Governor of Anambra State, Chief Jim Nwobodo, was identified as one of those who allegedly benefitted from the arms deal scandal, later known as #DasukiGate, he defected from the Peoples Democratic Party to the APC and the case went quiet.

Nwobodo had allegedly been paid N500m from the money meant for the arms deal.

Oshoma added, “The day Olisa Metuh (former PDP National Publicity Secretary), was accused of benefitting from the arms deal funds, Nwobodo was also accused of collecting money from the same funds. But not up to a month later, Nwobodo defected to the APC and his sins were forgiven and nobody heard of his case again.”

Similarly, the former Governor of Bayelsa State, Timipre Sylva, was a chieftain in the PDP before his defection to the APC in 2015.

The EFCC had in June 2015 filed 50 counts against Sylva, bordering on alleged corruption, but that did not stop him from emerging as the APC’s candidate for the Bayelsa governorship election in December of that year.

On November 26, less than a month to the election, a Federal High Court in Abuja, dismissed all counts against Sylva and six others, describing them as “frivolous and lacking in merit.’’

Sylva and others were accused of defrauding Bayelsa State of N19.2bn and the offences were allegedly committed between 2009 and 2012, when he was governor.

Recently, a report by The PUNCH said Sylva had even retrieved 48 properties traced to him, which were seized by the EFCC. But the former governor, in the statement by his Media Adviser, Mr. Doifie Buokoribo, denied that Sylva owned 48 houses in Abuja or anywhere else in the world, saying he “has only three houses in Abuja.”

Former Plateau State Governor and Senator representing Plateau Central, Joshua Dariye, recently defected from the PDP to the APC.

His defection was announced on the floor of the Senate by its President, Bukola Saraki, but analysts said instead of being welcomed by the APC into its fold, Dariye ought to have been asked to vacate his seat in the Senate.

Dariye was impeached in November 2006 as Governor of Plateau State, but on April 27, 2007, the Supreme Court ordered his reinstatement with immediate effect and he left office on May 29, 2007, when his term of office was concluded.

In 2004, during his time as governor, he was allegedly arrested in London, England, with large sums of money and the EFCC, in 2007, preferred 23 counts of money laundering involving alleged diversion of about N1.126bn Plateau State Government’s ecological funds against him.

But after about nine years of delay, it was not until 2016 that Dariye’s trial commenced following a Supreme Court’s judgment.

According to analysts, Dariye’s move and political calculation could see him exonerated of any wrongdoing soon.

 “Also, a former Governor of Kogi State, the late Abubakar Audu, was facing EFCC charges before he was handed the governorship ticket of the APC in the state,” Oshoma said.

“And if he were alive, he would have won the election and today, he would have been a governor and enjoyed immunity.

“Sylva was facing EFCC charges from the time he was in PDP and when he moved to the APC, he was handed the governorship ticket of the party.

“So if you look at the APC, you cannot really say it abhors corruption. It is a party that embraces people who are allegedly corrupt with open arms.

“Dariye left office in 2007 and has been facing one corruption charge or the other and we had expected that with a government that said it was ready to fight corruption, the case would have come to a logical conclusion. However, with the trend now and Dariye’s defection on the floor of the Senate, it will be interesting to see how this will pan out and if his case will also gradually die.

 “Also from the look of things, with the statement credited to the President on Dasuki’s case, it shows that there is more to it than the fight against corruption. The offences for which he is being charged under the Nigerian law are bailable and three courts have granted him bail including the Court of the Economic Community of West African States, but the President asked if people who stole the country’s money should be walking free.

“It means that no matter what the court says, the President has already pronounced him guilty. Before the court of public opinion, he has been condemned already and yet we say a man is presumed innocent until proven guilty.”

According to Esan, “the motto of the Nigerian politics is this: if you are going to be an opposition to us, we will destroy you, but if you come to our side, that is one less local champion to deal with.

“Also, people who defect do so for two reasons: for self preservation and economic benefits.  Most politicians don’t have jobs, so they have to be with the party in power to survive.


“The government is more interested in having the local champions on their side than in prosecuting them. The Code of Conduct Tribunal’s case against a former Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Mr. Godsday Orubebe, has been swiftly handled and he has been convicted, but Senate President Bukola Saraki, who is in the APC and also has a case with the CCT, is reaching out to the President, so his prosecution is getting slower.”

PUNCH

No comments:

Post a Comment

For Financial Independence, Click Below

BitsPlan

Advertisement